"All who read this may know how rich the temple of Cuzco was, and the prowess of those who built it and did such great things in it . . ."(1)
These words demonstrated the awe with which the Europeans who came to Peru first viewed the city of Cuzco in the sixteenth century. But these words were the impressions of a man not from that area, so how well do they reflect the visual reality of the region? The problems of studying the era of the Inca in Peru have been well documented in the twentieth century by scholars including John Murra and Tom Zuidema among others. They continue to penetrate the veil of mystery that surrounds the history of this dynamic culture. The architecture which the Andean people left behind, erected before the Spanish invasion in 1533, tantalizes the imagination and provokes all types of conjecture as to what purposes many of the buildings served and how they were constructed. But the more important question of what they represented to the people who lived with them or who encountered the most majestic of them on their trips to the center of the Inca state may probably never be answered. Do these buildings have the same meanings as the buildings of western empires had to their inhabitants? Did they represent the power of the state or were they perceived as symbols of the unity of the people who lived within the Inca domain? This type of inquiry has an inherent difficulty because all early reports of the buildings leave impressions formed by western observers. The buildings must stand on their own as testaments of the Inca people.
Throughout known western history, scholars reacted with varying degrees of interest to the large monumental structures left by different cultures. The Egyptians, Greeks and Romans left legacies to western humanity which intrigued observers and produced lengthy discourses on the topics. However, there was a lack of scholarly work on Inca architecture as late as the 1970s and the intricacies of the buildings which the Amerindians of the last great native governmental system of the Americas went largely unanswered.(2) The inception of the Inca state as the dominant polity in the area around Cuzco also posed many problems for the dating of this entity in that area.
The absolute chronology of the Inca state has never been determined to the satisfaction of historians. However, A.D. 1438 is accepted as a key date by most scholars involved in the study of the Incas. That year marked the date when Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui assumed control of the Inca empire.(3) He is credited with beginning work on the physical symbols of Inca power that the Spanish chroniclers who arrived there in the sixteenth century noted and described. The two most important structures built by the Inca, the fortress Sacsahuaman and Coricancha, the Temple of the Sun, were part of Yupanqui's ambitious designs for the capital city of Cuzco.(4) If this date proves correct, the Incas constructed these formidable buildings in a period of about one hundred years. This length of time seemed barely adequate for erecting two such enormous, monumental structures; but the Incas also managed to erect a network of towns with complete infrastructures which included all the buildings necessary for social and political life.
The study of the Incas' structures must start with the capital city of Cuzco because it became the model for the rest of Tahuantinsuyu. The importance of Cuzco as the originator of the imperial ideology in architecture cannot be undervalued, but the city itself is difficult to evaluate because the Spanish built many of their structures on top of existing Inca foundations or used Inca buildings as reservoirs for building materials.(5) Thus, after the Spanish invasion, the city soon lost its Inca appearance as the Spaniards superimposed their ideology of imperial architecture on the city in order to let the people visually recognize their new conquerors power.
The importance of architecture to this transference of leadership lies in its ability to concretely manifest power in the daily lives of people: it has physical presence. This use of architecture became crucial to the Spanish, as it had influenced the Inca empire builders. The ideas of imperial architecture can thus be discerned as a type of universal language. The Incas and the Spanish understood this language very well. Although the Spanish have been credited with destroying many of the beautiful structures they found in the New World, historians must also inquire as to how many structures of other peoples the Incas razed in their desire to imprint their ideology on the conquered. This pattern of destruction and rebuilding had been carried out by many of the large empires of the world, in both the East and West, and the Incas probably followed the same concepts in order to insure their own hegemony.
Early stories concerning the site of Cuzco, suggest inhabitants in the region before the Incas.(6) But the Inca, Pachacuti, planned the architectural enrichment of the city of Cuzco after he defeated an enemy of the Incas and consolidated his rule. The site for the enlarged Coricancha may have been a site of religious significance before the Incas took control of the region. Holy structures tend to remain in particular locations because they bear some relationship between their purpose and the site. The Temple of the Sun was situated at the center of the Inca ceque system.(7) The Temple's position also allowed the sun to enter the western rooms on or around the June solstice. Many religious buildings of other cultures used the same ideas concerning sunlight and centrality. The Spaniards recognized the advantage of the Temple's site because Christianity also employed the sun in its sacred architecture. The end of a Christian church, which contained the altar called the apse, ideally faced east in traditional church architecture. This holy side of the building embraced the rising of the sun and symbolized the promise of a new life given to Christ.(8) The east end also contained all of the most spectacular stained glass so the display of colors awed the onlookers. Thus, the structures of Coricancha and the later church of Santo Domingo, built on the site, are a continuation of a long tradition for this holy location.
The layers of architectural remains within the Inca sphere of power suggest this tradition helped make the Incas the dominant power in modern Peru and parts of Bolivia and Chile. But these buildings also reflected the goals of people, and they had function. Function makes architecture unique among the fine arts, since fine art has come to mean art which has no function. All of the functional arts, formerly designated as crafts, have recently been termed applied art. This concern with the function of art perhaps does not apply to Inca ideas of art. The pottery they created would fit into the applied art category, but the concern which twentieth century art historians show for this terminology may be irrelevant in the Inca context. Architecture as a functional aspect of Inca society, however, must not be overlooked. The architects of the Inca imperial city relied on the aesthetics of their surroundings to dictate the form of their buildings. Thus, their perceptions and experiences became an intrinsic part of the building of the city.
The most basic element of building relies on the idea of scale and space to create a pleasing organic structure. A building's scale reflects the experience of humans in relation to the visual world. All elements of scale will work together to either make the structure feel intimate, such as the normal scale of the average "home," or will create a feeling of vastness which people experience when they venture outdoors and see large mountains or endless plains. The monumental structures of the Incas reflected the scale of their environment. Tahuantinsuyu had an incredibly diverse environment. Extending from large mountain ranges to the sea, the Incas were surrounded by large gradients of scale in their visual world. Their conception of scale displayed itself in the stonework which made the city. For example, the remaining walls in Cuzco convey a larger-than-life scale (fig. 1). This was not a comfortable vertical scale but a size meant to convey power and security. The horizontal scale of the street had the Incas' imprint because of its width. This narrow area gave intimacy to a street which would have otherwise been dominated by too much verticality, or if the street had been wider, too much by the void it created. The function of thoroughfares also had a direct bearing on the appearance of Inca city streets. The lack of large-wheeled vehicles made it unnecessary to build wide avenues, truly a modern idea about the proper size for streets, so instead the Incas made their streets an average width of 3.6 meters.(9) Scale had a direct relationship not only to the humans who used these
structures, but also to the surrounding vistas they viewed daily. The Andes reach to the heavens and the Andean peoples' structures echoed this environment.
Space, both exterior and interior, played an equally important role in the construction of large monumental buildings throughout history. The Greeks used the exterior of their great temples as the focus for their religious ceremonies. These buildings were meant to be viewed from the outside.(10) The Greek temple form does not fit the model for western ideas of space because of the lack of interior area to accommodate large numbers of people. Although the main ceremony which the priests performed took place inside the temple, the lack of engineering skills did not allow large masses to enter the holy space. The post and lintel system used by the Greeks, which relied on two columns supporting a long beam, could not span large areas. The weight of the stone made it imperative to continue inserting columns along the span. Space for the Incas presented the same problems. They had no method of spanning large areas with stone. This was possible with wood, a very light material, but wood construction did not last for long periods and also required large supplies of the materials. This made the exterior space most important when designing large structures. In designing large buildings, the Incas allowed for the limitation of their materials.
The elements of architecture, such as function, site, scale, and space, all dictated the eventual appearance of Incas architecture. They also had to deal with the problems of skill in creating their ideas. The architects who designed Sacsahuaman, Huallpa Rimachi, Maricanchi, Acahuana and Calla Cunchi, have been identified through the records of the chroniclers.(11) There exists speculation that they probably came from the Inca noble class. This speculation, however, may be a European deduction, since in the period when the Spaniards first came to Tahuantinsuyu European architects were from the upper classes. But when examining the architectural profession in the pre-Columbian period in the Andes, the speculation seems warranted. The art of architecture required a complex understanding of all the elements which make up a structure, implying that extensive training was necessary. The architect had to know what type of material will bear the correct amount of weight. The technical aspects of this discipline require a thorough understanding of mathematics and proportion; otherwise, the integrity of the structure would fail at the slightest test to its strength. The Andean peoples lived in a volcanic region which placed continuous stresses on their structures. Tectonic activity influenced builders to create the most durable types of structures.(12) Stone work for roofs without the proper framework, which before the use of steel frames meant arches, was notoriously unstable. Therefore, only a person in the position to acquire the knowledge and skill could have planned and then executed the construction of monumental structures. They knew how to join stone work for walls and also that using large enough stones semi-embedded in the ground would provide some stability. The stonemason's job was to insure the block's joints were cut smoothly and recessed to fit tightly, while the architect probably made sure they battered the wall correctly (fig. 2).(13) The stones interlocked using this type of joint. The builders also relied on the hierarchy of their material: only large stones would be placed at the bottom of the wall. This technology allowed many structures to survive earthquakes, but they may not have if they supported a stone roof. It was probably only the Inca elites who had access to the skills necessary to create these buildings; they had the power and wealth to receive such training .(14)
Andean architects relied on the skills of craftsmen from the lower classes to perform the exacting tasks of stone cutting, carving, and masonry. For non-skilled labor, the Incas relied on tributary laborers, mitayos, to build their cities. These mitayos had basic skills to erect simple dwellings, but the artisans carried out the more specialized tasks. Particular regions became known for specialized workers and "those from the southern Andes, for example, were known for their skills as masons."(15) The Incas had an extremely organized system of labor when compared to other great Empire builders, many who relied on unwilling slaves to erect their buildings. This system could be seen in the continuity of Inca architectural projects. An overall plan seemed to have been developed for the large building projects they managed to accomplish in a short period of time.(16)
The Spanish themselves had a great admiration for the structures they found in this New World but also displayed a certain contempt for the barbarity they perceived in the monuments around them. This derision of the Spaniards was based in that they saw Inca structures as crude because they lacked the arches and vaults of stone which had been mastered by the Romans.(17) The lack of vaulting in the early Greek structures did not seem to concern them as much, and they still perceived the Greeks as having attained a higher level of civilization. This prejudice did not take into account that it took the Romans to invent the arch and they only did so after first mastering the Greek styles. The Incas, given more time, may have also eventually constructed a stone vaulting system. But the conquerors never reflected on this evolution, they only compared the Inca to their own culture.
The city of Cuzco had the magnificent architecture of the Empire and its forms became a prototype for many of the outlying provincial capitals. The city had a common element with many modern western capital cities since it was planned (fig 3). Cuzco's planners, which included Pachacuti, used clay models to develop the city into the shape of a puma could easily be discerned in this plan.(18) This puma shape has caused controversy among scholars because they debate whether it truly existed or was spoken of in a metaphorical sense by the chroniclers. This representation shows the lying puma shape with crouched legs, but the Spanish chroniclers Betanzos and Gamboa provide an alternative theory about this shape which shows a puma with extended legs. John Rowe affirms that this shape represents the Inca plan while Tom Zuidema argues that the shape was only supposed to be interpreted metaphorically.(19) The debate over the shape of the old city continues, but scholars generally agree that the city had a definite structural plan.
Designated by the Spanish as a "fortress," Sacsahuaman lay on the outskirts of Cuzco.(20) Its high walls perhaps suggested to the Europeans some type of fortification. The most absolute statements concerning the structure can be made about the immense size of the stone used to build it (fig. 4). The stones which so impressed the Spaniards towered above the people who walked in their shadows. Called polygonal fine masonry, the stones were irregularly shaped and fitted together at the site. The Incas had developed the technology to fit the difficult and heavy stones together. Some of these joints are joined so tightly that a thin knife cannot fit between them.(21) The technical challenge to move these cyclopean stones would be difficult to imagine without machinery but the Incas managed to accomplish it using cooperative labor. Why would they have taken on this difficult task? With Sacsahuaman the Incas proclaimed their strength and power in visual form. The ideology of empire in architecture was something they clearly understood and utilized.
The Temple of the Sun, the second cornerstone of Inca imperial vision, also employed the language of power. It had a mystique that linked the ruling Inca to the gods of the heavens. While many Empire builders of the west did not use religious structures in this manner, the Incas' world reflected the cosmos and the hierarchy of the people who lived in Tahuantinsuyu.(22) Coricancha, as described by Pedro Cieza de León, was an unbelievably complex structure:
This temple had a circumference of over four hundred feet, and was all surrounded by a strong wall. The whole building was of fine quarried stone, all matched and joined, and some of the stones were very large and beautiful. No mortar on earth or lime was employed in it, only the pitch which they used in the buildings and the stones are so well cut that there is no sign of cement or joining. (23)
The exterior of the Temple had stone work part way up and from that point upward adobe finished the structure to the roof line. Separating the two materials was a stripe of gold "two handspans wide and four fingers thick," but the stone work fascinated the European viewer to the point that Cieza de León discussed them first in his description.(24) Unfortunately, as mentioned earlier, the temple ruins became the base for the church of Santo Domingo in the colonial period, but some remains of the exterior and interior walls of the temple are still visible. The stones used were not so massive as those of Sacsahuaman, but instead were finished to a more highly uniform surface. The masonry work on this wall which had such a smooth appearance is called coursed or rectangular. In addition, the walls had an almost machine-like precision to them. This type of fine work took so much time and skill that it functioned as a type of defining masonry for very important structures. If the stone had this extremely regular look to it, then it would be given the additional classification of sedimentary block.(25) These dressed stones(26) did not have to be cut on the premises they could be quarried and prepared at another location, but most often they were dressed at the site.(27) Jean-Pierre Protzen theorized that the stonemasons, divided into two separate crews, started from the opposite ends of the course of stones to be worked and would work in toward each other. When they finally met, the last block laid would be a wedge-shaped stone which had to be pushed in from the front, not set from the top of the wall.(28) Another joining method employed t-shaped sockets, chiseled out of the blocks near their edges. Adjoining blocks may have been anchored together "with double T-shaped copper or bronze cramps and poured or inserted into two opposed T-sockets."(29)
The detail which stone work displayed in Inca building needs greater study when interpreting the architecture. Stones had important significance in Andean cosmology. The creation of animate beings out of inanimate things had a long history in the mythology of the Andean peoples. The Incas believed that the great Pachacuti called on stones, which then turned into warriors, to help him defeat the Incas' enemies.(30) Nowhere in studies of Inca buildings does this connection appear to be important, although Graziano Gasparini and Luise Margolies mention the need for more study.(31) But if the Incas revered some stones as gods, would they not see them as becoming an organic part of the building? Perhaps the stones imbued structures with a degree of life. This would be impossible to determine at this time but the attention to this material and the profound effect it continues to have on people, in some cases make this architectural medium more important than the form.Sacsahuaman and Coricancha received the majority of comment when early visitors came to Cuzco. This does not mean that other structures did not receive the same amount of deliberate application of building skills, but the temple and the fortress dominated the city-scape. The town contained a carefully planned center which housed the Inca nobility and a large plaza separated into two parts by the Saphy River.(32) In the middle of this dual plaza stood a gold-covered, pointed stone. The plaza was designed using an immense scale; this type of architectural space surprised the Europeans because their cities' plazas were much smaller. The Inca design displayed an imperial concern with creating a center for ceremonial purposes.(33) Around this central, sacred space, were situated great compounds that housed particular families or groups of people dedicated to certain religious practices.(34) There also stood big hall-like buildings along the plazas which the Spaniards used as a church when they arrived in Cuzco. Because of Spanish destruction, and a later siege of the city, little remains of these halls and compounds.
Fortunately, other Inca sites that perhaps used the Cuzco model remain in a more pristine shape. For example, a group of structures in the outlying city of Ollantaytambo suggests the configuration of a compound (fig. 6). The doors face into the courtyard and the entire compound butts against another which faces the opposite direction but shares a common wall.(35) Perhaps the great halls of Cuzco resembled the design of the halls found in Huánuco Pampa. Called kallankas, they may have housed the frequent travelers of the Empire who passed through the city.(36) The great halls of Cuzco probably did not serve the same function because they stood on the plaza which served as a ceremonial center. Instead, the description by Garcilaso de la Vega might have been more accurate than first assumed. He indicated that the halls supplied a covered space for festival activities when the weather did not permit an outdoor setting.(37) A small schematic provides the location of the two halls in Huánuco Pampa in relation to each other. A possible reconstruction of them in the drawing done by Graziano Gasparini and Luise Margolies shows a large horizontally oriented building with a roof of wood and thatch (fig. 7). The space covered would have allowed for many people to enter, especially because of the multiple doorways.
Another architectural theme that the halls contain involves the recurrence of duality in certain structures. Remember in the configuration of the compounds, there were two buildings sharing a common wall. Cuzco also had two plazas and reportedly two great halls. This emphasis on duality in architecture reflected the society that created the structures. The Incas had a society based on the moiety system. The exact manner in which it functioned cannot be clearly determined, but the city of Cuzco definitely depended on this type of dual institution for design and function.(38)
The people who inhabited Cuzco all lived in structures that from a distance did not seem much different from one another. The location of the structure counted far more in the equation of power than did its size. The closer each building assemblage was to the plaza the more important the occupants seemed in the hierarchy of the Empire.(39) Each house had one story with a thatched roof and was an integrated part of a compound. A rectangular plan dominated almost all domestic architecture of the Incas around the Cuzco region. Both the houses of the wealthy and the poor used many of the same forms to enclose their living spaces. The simplest type of structure used a rectangular shape with four walls of equal height. On these walls rested the roof, of the type called a hipped roof. The hipped roof construction refers to the part of the roof where the triangle shape can be seen. This type of roof generally provides good resistance to high winds and in the case of Andean roofs, the steep angle served well to slough off rain and snow. The second most common type of house had gables which were crafted out of stone on the shorter end of the rectangle. These types of gables were also found on larger buildings such as kallankas. The roof had the added benefit of using a ridgepole that rested on the stone gables.(40) The roof was thatched as soon as the poles were set. Another type of house employed a common wall that reached to the roof and thus provided an automatic spot on which to rest the framework for the thatching. This building served as the back structure on a compound because it allowed two houses to be butted up against each other with no interference between the two groups sharing the structure. Some of the structures were plastered on the exterior over the stones, but few examples of this technique survived because of years of weathering that destroyed plaster surfaces. Smaller homes used fieldstones held together with a mortar mix.(41) The use of this particular stone, that came from the fields and had irregular shapes, in the common peoples' houses indicates the hierarchy of materials in Inca buildings. Whereas in the large official structures of the Empire dressed stones were the primary material, fieldstones were used everywhere else in Tahuantinsuyu. The importance of stones and their meanings indicated which types were used for certain structures. The problems associated with dressed stones helped determine who used them as building materials. Common farmers did not have the time or skill necessary to cut stone material for their houses.
There were smaller structures which characterized the Inca genius for organization and most directly served an important function in the maintenance of the Inca imperial system. Called qollqas; they tied the vast Empire of the Incas together. They functioned as storehouses to keep surplus products, like food and cloth. These served the entire population of Tahuantinsuyu as state warehouses. The goods stored in the qollqas were collected from different regions where laborers were required to work for the state. Thus, these storehouses allowed different products from different regions to be stored all over the territory. For example, at Huánuco Pampa little land could be cultivated because of its position at a high altitude, but grains like wheat reached the region and sustained its people because of the Inca insistence on the regular transport of food within the Empire.(42) The qollqas often meant the survival of small villages. They represented a powerful reminder to local populations of the good will of their rulers.
Andean qollqas had a unique design. They had no regular doors but window-like openings and they usually were placed on hillsides overlooking residential structures.(43) Some were circular and usually these stored maize, while others followed the rectilinear pattern common for houses (fig. 8 and 9). The rectangular qollqa usually was used to store a variety of root vegetables.(44) Collqas also had ventilation systems to help preserve stored food products; this system allowed air to come into a bottom vent while allowing hot air to escape close to the ceiling. While not overly large, the sheer numbers of qollqas overwhelmed the Spanish who saw them for the first time.(45) These storehouses even merited comment from the chronicler Cieza de León in his travels to Cuzco. Passing through Tomebamba, circa 1549, he examined the remnants of the old Inca polity left in the province. While noting the decrepit state of the old palace in the city, he also mentioned the remains of "a great number of dwellings where the soldiers were garrisoned, and still greater storehouses filled with provisions."(46) His superlative of "greater" could have meant in size, but in this instance, knowing the general appearance of the qollqas, he probably meant their number. This vast capacity to store resources bolstered the Inca Empire. It fed the army troops and kept laborers healthy.
Another important link in maintaining Inca hegemony over the vast territory they controlled could not be called architectural in the strictest sense of that term. However, the highways and bridges which reached out from the center of Cuzco to embrace the Andean world ultimately assured the Incas of continued control over the populations they dominated. The roads allowed imperial armies to travel quickly and efficiently through the difficult terrain. This engineering feat also allowed for the effective transport of thousands of tons of provisions to the storehouses. The bridges that connected the highway system seemed precarious to the Spaniards, but with careful maintenance they facilitated the most dangerous crossings of travelers.(47) The symbolic importance of the roads must not be forgotten because like the old adage for Rome, all roads in the Inca Empire led back to the seat of power, Cuzco.
Symbolic buildings demonstrated the might of the Inca in the regions they controlled. Imperial symbols were employed skillfully by the pre-Columbian rulers and an imperial infrastructure allowed them to continue imposing their power over a vast region. The ideas behind these elements, especially the structures, exemplify the foundation of that Empire. The stone work which so intrigued those who viewed them had a profound meaning that some art historians and archeologists have either ignored or simply dismissed: the connection between aesthetics and beliefs. Antonio Vázquez de Espinosa, a Carmelite friar who traveled in Peru circa 1620, came closest to understanding some of the mystery of the great stones of Sacsahuaman. He thought the stones were probably moved there by "the work of magic."(48) The Carmelite friar probably said this in a pejorative sense, but his perception would not be amiss about many of the structures built by many non-western or ancient cultures. Architecture originally functioned as a symbol of wonder, worship and magic. People had a desire to build and to make something which reflected their own experiences and anxieties. As modern scholars have attempted to place the structures from earlier periods into the categories of shape and utility, they have lost track of the wonder of their creation. The Incas, who were certain they came from some tangible yet mystical place, saw the stones welding together to make something new and perhaps magical. They may have shaped their structures to honor natural shapes and to use natural powers in the hope that they might share in some of the eternal qualities around them.
The monumental architecture of the Incas included ideas of permanence. It served to legitimize the ideology of the hierarchy of the Inca social order. This "ideology of legitimacy" included the physical separation of sacred rites from everyday activities.(49) Thus, their structures were not meant to collapse in one hundred years or maybe not in one thousand years. Perhaps they hoped that their symbols, like most of the representative arts of the ancients, would contain some of the qualities of the original object of power.(50) The attention to detail and the striving for perfection insured the Incas developed their architectural forms to their highest degree. The rightness of the stone could make or destroy the structure; the Incas chose the stones with great attention to their physical detail. Unlike the great cathedral builders of western Europe, who saw the material only as a means to erect a structure dedicated to God, the stone for the Inca builders probably had its own meaning. Perhaps this conjecture cannot be empirically proven, but the overwhelming and continuing impact of the material implies a far greater emphasis on that aspect of the building. Tahuantinsuyu survived in its material manifestations of imperial power, perhaps some of its magic has also been left behind.
NOTES:
1. Victor Wolfgang von Hagen, ed., The Incas of Pedro de Cieza de León (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1959), 145.
2. Graziano Gasparini and Luise Margolies, Inca Architecture(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1980), xiii.
3. Brian S. Bauer, The Development of the Inca State (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1992), 37.
4. George Kubler, The Art and Architecture of Ancient America: The Mexican 'Maya' and Andean Peoples (Baltimore, Maryland: Penguin Books, 1962), 313.
5. John Hyslop, Inka Settlement Planning ( Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990), 30.
7. This system contained forty-one radial lines which spread out from Coricancha. Along this trajectory lay the shrines which dominated the religious life of the people. In Hyslop, 46-47.
8. George Zarnecki, Art of the Medieval World (New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1975), 21.
10. Talbot Hamlin, Architecture Through the Ages (New York: P.T. Putnam and Sons, 1940), 126.
12. Craig Morris and Adriana Von Hagen, The Inka Empire and Its Andean Origins (New York: Abbeville Press, 1993), 25.
13. To batter the wall means to lean the wall inward about 3 to 5 degrees. In Jean-Pierre Protzen, Inca Architecture and Construction at Ollantaytambo (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 187.
14. Nigel Davies, The Incas (Colorado: University Press of Colorado, 1995), 120-121.
15. Valerie Fraser, The Architecture of Conquest (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 90.
18. James and Oliver Tickell, eds., Travel to Landmarks: Cusco, Peru (London: Tauris Parke Books, 1989), 29.
22. Sabine MacCormack, Religion in the Andes (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1991), 114.
26. To dress a stone with Inca technology meant to use another stone, attached to a handle so it resembles a hammer, and pound on the primary stone to create a smooth finish.
31. Gasparini and Margolies, 299.
33. Gasparini and Margolies, 108.
36. Gasparini and Margolies, 201.
37. Alain Gheerbrant, ed., The Inca: The Royal Commentaries of the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega (New York: Avon Books, 1961), 268.
38. Moietie for the Inca possibly meant a principal ruler with a second less-powerful ruler who ruled the other half of the city. In Davies, 29-30.
39. Gasparini and Margolies, 53.
42. Craig Morris and Donald E. Thompson, Huánuco Pampa: An Inca City and its Hinterlands (London: Thames and Hudson, 1985), 97.
44. Michael Moseley, The Incas and Their Ancestors (London: Thames and Hudson, 1992), 66.
45. These authors give numbers as large as 2,400 for these storehouses in one location. In Gasparini and Margolies, 302.
47. Burr Cartwright Brundage, Empire of the Inca (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1963), 195. For an excellent discussion of a typical Inca bridge see Morris and Thompson, 116.
48. Antonio Vázquez de Espinosa, Translated by Charles Upson Clark, Description of the Indies (c. 1620) (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1942), 566.
49. Jerry D. Moore, Architecture and Power in the Ancient Andes: The Archeology of Public Buildings (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 173.
50. W. R. Lethaby, Architecture, Nature and Magic (London: Gerald Duckworth & Co., 1956), 66.