SEBASTIAN ARCOS CAZABON Sebastian Arcos Cazabon is currently a studying International Relations at Florida International University. The rest of his biography is provided by David Lawrence, publisher of the Miami Herald, in his 1992 piece on Cazabon Sebastian Arcos Cazabon carries an impressive human rights portfolio. A Cuban citizen and resident of Havana, he has worked single-mindedly for a decade to draw international attention to the widespread human rights violations occurring daily in Cuba. Only recently has he been allowed outside Cuba. For years he petitioned the Castro government for permission to leave Cuba. Finally, some months ago, through some undecipherable caprice of the Castro government, he obtained a six-month visa; he arrived in Miami in October. Human rights activism is an Arcos family tradition. His father, Sebastian Arcos Bergnes, has for decades actively and openly opposed Fidel Castro's policies, always advocating and practicing nonviolent measures. The elder Arcos, 61, continues to pay the price for his courageous stance. Arrested almost a year ago, he was sentenced in October to four years and eight months in prison for purportedly sending "enemy propaganda" to the United Nations Human Rights Commission in Geneva, and to Miami radio stations, about murders, disappearances, and abuses by Cuban authorities. Just in recent weeks, he was transferred from a Havana prison (where at least his family could monitor his treatment and condition) to a prison more than 150 miles away for "highly dangerous common prisoners." It is not unknown for political prisoners to be killed in such prisons. The Arcos family fears for the life of Sebastian Arcos Bergnes. Another prominent human rights activist of the Arcos family is Gustavo Arcos Bergnes, brother to the elder Sebastian Arcos and uncle to the younger. I interviewed him in Cuba two years ago and came away with great respect for his courage. Once Gustavo Arcos fought at Fidel Castro's side against the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista. Once he served as Castro's ambassador to Belgium. Now Gustavo Arcos is a leading force in the Cuban Committee for Human Rights and a two-time veteran of Castro's jails. Now he is a prisoner in his own home. Two other family members -- Maria Juana Cazabon (Sebastian Arcos's mother) and Maria Rosa Arcos (his sister) -- have worked tirelessly for the cause of human rights since they left Cuba in 1983. The two women now live in Miami. Maria Rosa gained international attention last summer when she confronted Castro in the streets of Seville and was kicked and pummeled by a Cuban security agent. Sebastian Arcos Cazabon's political activism came into full force in 1982 when, at the age of 20, he shared a jail cell for a year with his father and uncle. They had been set up by the Castro government to attempt to escape the island; they were captured and convicted of trying to leave the country illegally. In prison, they were kept in almost total isolation: no contact with the other prisoners . . . fresh air no more than once a week for two hours . . . family visits only once a month . . . censored mail. The elder Sebastian Arcos spent six years under these conditions, and Gustavo Arcos, seven years. Prison only made Sebastian Arcos Cazabon more committed to freedom. Since then, he says, "I don't do anything but think, talk, and act about Cuba."

The Arcos Interview: FIU student recounts life as a political prisoner in Cuba.

The following interview was a project for school assigned to Jorge Tirso. The answers provided by Mr. Arcos in this interview provided a glimpse into the life of political prisoners, their conditions, and the prospects for a free Cuba, and what we can do to achieve the island's liberation. Without further interruption here is the interview.

1. How was the treatment of the prisoners while you were incarcerated by the guards? Did they neglect to provide assistance to those in need?
2. How are the prison conditions as far as hygiene?

Answer. Prisoners in Cuban jails have no rights whatsoever. They must endure crowded cells with almost no ventilation, scant running water, and frequent power blackouts. Water leaks from the roof and broken pipes, forming pools on the floor and beneath the buildings, breeding grounds for mosquitos and others pests. Rats and cockroaches abound. There is no soap to bath or wash the clothes. Scabies and lice are very common. Toilets don't work properly, so the stench is terrible.

Prisoners are allowed to take the sun in an inner yard once every week for 1-2 hours at a time. A few of them are allowed to work outside, generally within the prison compound. TV is only for those prisoners who win the official "emulation" -that is complete cooperation with the authorities, which includes chanting official slogans, denouncing any "ideological deviation" to the warden, or beating a political prisoner--and then only for a couple of hours at night. Radios are not allowed. Each prisoner can receive three books or magazines every month. There are no gyms in any Cuban prison, and exercise equipment is not allowed.

For political prisoners everything is worse. They do not have access to TV, they cannot work outside, and very rarely go out to take the sun. They are always locked in the company of the most dangerous common criminals, who are encouraged by the wardens to harass them. Their personal belongings get stolen, and very often the harassment ends up in beatings. More often than not, political prisoners are sent to punishment cells for any reason--not participating in the emulation,' not chanting official slogans, or getting beat by a common criminal.

Prisoners in general have little access to medical attention. Wardens are slow responding to calls for a doctor, and there are many reported incidents where the prisoner was taken to a doctor when it was already too late. In the case of political prisoners, medical attention is systematically denied. Their calls for a doctor are not answered, and even the medicine sent by their families gets confiscated. This practice has resulted in unnaturally high numbers of Cuban political prisoners suffering serious diseases such as cancer.

3. Do you think now that the pope has visited cuba things will change for the country and the system that castro has had in place for 40 years? Do you see any changes in the human rights issue?

Answer. I do not believe things will change significantly after the Pope's visit. Religious repression has been eased somewhat, but the government will not relax its repression of other civil & political rights.

4. Out in the community is there a lack of faith in the system or do they still have the ideal that castro will prevail? What are they saying about the Americans with the trade embargo going on?

Answer. There is a complete lack of faith in the system almost everywhere in Cuba. The thought that Castro will prevail is not an ideal, but a nightmare. The fact that Castro has indeed prevailed for almost forty years only reinforces the belief that he will survive everything and anything. Nothing is more paralyzing than the lack of hope. Every totalitarian regime bases its power on the belief that any attempt to promote change is futile and will only result in the destruction of the dissenter. A totalitarian regime does not expect the love or the enthusiastic support of all the people, so they seek submission, conformity, and apathy.

While some people believe the government when it says the U.S. embargo is the culprit of every problem in Cuba, many others can see through the government's lies. Some people hate the U.S. as the arch-enemy of the Cuban nation. Many others admire the U.S. and would love to enjoy its "decadent consumer society." Consider how many Cuban survive thanks to what their relatives in the U.S. can send them. In any event, the embargo IS NOT the reason for people's reluctance to oppose the regime.

5. If you had the chance to have some input towards helping the country and your people how would you do that and what would you do?

Answer. The question is how to strike a balance between helping the Cuban people without helping the Cuban government. Totalitarian regimes control EVERYTHING, so achieving this is enormously difficult. That is precisely the predicament for the U.S. and the Cuban exiles. My suggestion would be to isolate the government as much as possible, very much like what the international community did to the racist government in South Africa, while at the same time showing open support for the freedom of the Cuban people and its right to democracy. Most Western nations are NOT doing this now. Their embassies in Havana remain indifferent toward Cuban dissidents, while Western businessmen- from Canada, Spain, Italy, etc--invest in the government run Cuban tourist sector. Totalitarian regimes do not fall to generosity and understanding, but to firm pressure.

6. What was the cause for the imprisonment on your part? did you have a fair trial?

Answer. I was sent to prison because I attempted to leave Cuba illegally to the U.S. My family had been very much involved with the Revolution in the early years, and as a way of punishment we were not allowed to leave the country. I was sentenced to one year in prison, my father to six years, and my uncle--who had been beside Castro at the attack on Moncada in 1953--to seven years. We served our sentences together in the same cell, enduring the conditions I described in answer #1-2. My father and my uncle were kept in that same cell for six and seven years respectively.

Our trial was held by surprise, six months after we had been arrested. Our family could not attend because they were not informed. We had no defense because our lawyer was out on vacation. It was our second lawyer; the first one had been intimidated out of the case by the secret police. When my father attempted to argue our case he was shut up by the state attorney. The whole thing lasted for ten minutes.

7. At this point you may voice your opinion on what ever subject you would like to make a statement.

Answer. What can I say that it has not been said before by people with more authority and more dramatic experiences than I have? Those who want to help in a cause should first learn about it from different sources. The best sources are always the people inside, not the "experts" from the academia and the think-tanks. There are no magic solutions to the problems of Cuba. No one has the answer. Maybe if we all listened to the people who have more at stake in this, and if we work together leaving our personal agendas aside, then maybe we can find a way to kill the tumor without killing the patient.