U.S.-Cuba cooperation in narcotics interdiction has become a sensitive
issue for Washington because of the implied shift in the policy of
isolating Cuba and charges of Cuban government involvement in the drug
traffic.
A senior State Department official said a meeting Monday in Havana
between four U.S. Coast Guard and State Department drug interdiction
experts and their Cuban counterparts had ended with no real progress.
The Cuban side rejected the U.S. proposal for a ``hot pursuit''
agreement, and the U.S. side rejected a Cuban request to expand the talks
beyond the Coast Guard to other U.S. drug agencies, the official said.
Still on the table are U.S. proposals to base a Coast Guard officer and
drug-testing equipment in Havana, and to upgrade and coordinate telephone
and radio communications between U.S. and Cuban drug interdiction units,
he added.
U.S. officials told the Cubans they sought only to improve cooperation
on a case-by-case basis and would not discuss sharing narcotics
intelligence or holding joint interdiction training exercises, the
official added.
Drug smugglers have been increasingly taking advantage of Cuba's meager
counter-narcotics resources and the lack of U.S.-Havana coordination to
use Cuban sea and airspace to transship narcotics bound for South
Florida.
But while U.S. drug czar Barry McCaffrey argues that Cuba is trying to
stop the transshipments, Rep. Ben Gilman, chairman of the House
International Relations Committee, this week asked the State Department to
put Cuba on its list of major drug-transit countries.
Driving Gilman's request is the seizure in Colombia last December of
7.2 tons of cocaine hidden in shipping containers bound for Havana and a
joint venture between two Spaniards and a Cuban government plastics firm
to manufacture tourist souvenirs.
Havana officials claimed the containers were to have been re-shipped to
Spain. But the DEA recently reported it was investigating whether they
were headed for Mexico, gateway for most of the cocaine in the U.S.
market.
``Until there's solid evidence this shipment was not headed for the
United States, we ought to operate on the assumption it was,'' the New
York Republican told The Herald in a telephone interview.
The shipment's destination is critical because the U.S. list of major
drug transit nations applies only to narcotics headed for the American
drug market.
Adding Cuba to the list of transit countries such as Mexico and Haiti
would require the president to make a politically sensitive decision each
year on whether to certify Havana's cooperation in the war on drugs.
Critics of Cuba allege that the Havana government is itself engaged in
drug trafficking and money laundering, and cite a string of U.S.
indictments of top officials, including a Navy vice admiral, dating back
to 1982.
Clinton administration officials say they have no evidence of recent
high-level Cuban involvement in narcotics smuggling. Although they don't
rule out links to low- and middle-level officials, they point out that
U.S. officials continue to deal with corruption-riddled nations such as
Mexico.
``We have a real gap in interdiction when it comes to Cuba,'' said one
U.S. official. ``We'd like to close it, but anything that involves
cooperating with Cuba is real sensitive because of the politics
involved.''
The case of the 7.2 tons of cocaine has sparked much controversy, and
not just about the drugs' final destination.
Cocaine shipment link suspected
Colombian prosecutors interviewed by The Herald last week said they had
no evidence of involvement by any Cuban and suspect two Spaniards whose
firm in Havana was to have received the cocaine shipment.
The drugs were hidden inside false walls of shipping containers whose
legal cargo of plastic resins was to have been shipped to Artesania
Caribena Poliplast y Royo.
The firm is a joint venture between the Cuban government's plastics
manufacturing firm and Spanish businessman Jose Royo Lorca, with
additional capital provided by another Spaniard, Jose Anastasio Herrera
Campos.
Royo and Herrera, now free in Spain, deny any responsibility and claim
Cuba is framing them in order to seize their business, a souvenir factory
that Cuba says generated a mere $50,000 in profits over three years.
Colombian prosecutors said they had documented 11 previous shipments to
Poliplast y Royo in which the containers were shipped from Colombia to
Cuba to Spain and back to Colombia.
Cuban officials reported most of the containers never even left the
port of Havana because Royo and Herrera would unload their resin cargoes
right in the port as soon as they arrived from Colombia. They would then
pack the containers with boxes of souvenirs, and ship them immediately to
Spain.
``The drugs were never taken out of the containers in Cuba. They went
right on to Spain,'' said one of the chief prosecutors in the case.
But an investigation by staffers on Gilman's committee reported neither
they nor Spanish police had found any solid evidence of a Spanish
destination for the drugs.
e-mail: jtamayo@herald.comCuba rejects drug chases in its waters
Sharing intelligence ruled out
GOP lawmaker skeptical