But, interestingly, the Cuban government's Ministry of Light Industry
owns a majority interest in the company.
In a January speech, Castro publicly accused the two Spaniards of being
responsible for the cocaine-smuggling operation and again asserted that
the
cocaine was bound for Spain.
After his speech, Spanish police arrested and detained the two
Spaniards, who had returned to Spain after the Cuban investigation began.
When Cuba failed to provide the Spanish police with any evidence to
support
Castro's accusations, the men were released.
At a news conference proclaiming their innocence, the two said, ``In
Cuba the government controls everything. The Castro government has all the
information on the houses, the families who live there and the telephones.
Consequently, the president of Cuba is lying. . . . This is
outrageous. Everything is rooted in an unprecedented speech in which a
head
of state makes baseless charges.''
Spanish authorities confirm that they still have not received any
evidence from Cuba to substantiate Castro's claims.
Ironically, a Cuban police investigation contradicts Castro's spin.
Police documents claim that the company's factory and shipping containers
found on site were searched: ``All tests of raw materials and finished
products at the factory proved negative. . . . An examination of
the structures of the containers had similar results.'' A second search of
the factory and containers by drug-sniffing dogs also came up negative.
This suggests cocaine was not handled at the factory -- the one place
where the Spaniards might have had opportunity and access.
It is far-more likely that Castro is using the two Spaniards as
scapegoats. After all, what could he say once it was determined that Cuba
was the immediate destination of 7.2 tons of Colombian cocaine? It is
foolish to believe that two businessmen could dupe Castro's totalitarian
government, given all of its social controls.
Amazingly, the U. S. State Department, which is supportive of
normalizing relations with Cuba, has accepted the Castro version of
events.
In a letter to Congress, the State Department claimed to have ``evidence''
that the cocaine was going to Spain. The ``evidence'' ended up being these
uncorroborated claims by the Castro government.
The State Department may have forgotten, but federal prosecutors in
Miami reportedly have held a draft indictment for drug trafficking against
Castro's brother, Raul Castro, since 1993.
White House Drug Czar Barry McCaffrey claims that Castro lacks the
resources to respond to increased drug trafficking in Cuba's territorial
waters and air space. However, in 1996, Castro ordered his MiGs to shoot
down two unarmed civilian aircraft in international air space, and in
1994,
ordered his Navy to sink the March 13th tugboat in international waters.
Clearly, if Castro wants to respond to drug traffickers, he can.
While the ultimate destination of the December drug shipment remains
under investigation, it is becoming increasingly likely that the cocaine
was bound for the United States, possibly via Mexico. More than 60 percent
of hard drugs entering the United States come through Mexico, according to
the Drug Enforcement Administration.
Unless credible evidence turns up that this shipment was headed
elsewhere, common sense dictates that it was bound for the United States.
Therefore, Cuba must be placed on the State Department's ``major's list''
of nations through which substantial amounts of illicit narcotics pass en
route to the United States. We have again asked Secretary of State
Madeleine Albright to do just that. We will see if the State Department
continues to choose to believe the Castro regime's assertions or the
facts.
Cocaine trail leads to Cuba, despite Castro's `spin'