Forty years is proof.
Many young people -- such as my younger brother Jose, who had been
tortured by Batista's henchmen, and I -- thought that the only way to get
rid of Castro was by force. Eventually both of us left Cuba and joined
what became the 2506 Brigade. My brother served in an infiltration team,
while I became the paratroopers' 81mm-mortar section leader. You know the
outcome of the Bay of Pigs.
My brother managed to escape through the Brazilian Embassy, but I was
captured and imprisoned until our ransomed release in December 1962.
The POWs had two encounters with the ``máximo líder''
that are crucial to understanding Castro. He undoubtedly has a special
charisma. When he graduated from Belen in 1945, he re- ceived the longest
round of applause, as a former professor told me. But would you also
believe that when he stood in front of us POWs giving a speech at the
Havana Sports Arena, where we were detained, he got a good round of
applause?
After we were transferred to a temporary prison in the unfinished Naval
Hospital, Castro showed up again. He jovially asked how the revolution was
treating us. We talked first about the war and eventually about
politics.
I posed several questions, including: Why could there not be elections
to see what people really wanted? He said that people had made their
decision in the Plaza but that he would let me ask workers in a nearby
housing-construction project whether they wanted elections. I responded by
asking how many of the workers who wanted elections would have jobs the
next day. He wasn't upset by my response, but some in his entourage were.
The opportunity to probe workers' opinions never materialized.
During this conversation (realize that we were in a rather good
situation at that point because negotiations for our exchange for tractors
were making good progress), he confessed that he had been a
Marxist-Leninist since age 19 and before that ``an illiterate in
politics.'' He spent about two hours trying to impress us defeated
``counter- revolutionaries.''
At the end of this encounter, he put his arm on my shoulder and said:
``You are a little bit confused. I will send you some books'' -- another
offer that was never followed up.
These two instances speak volumes about Castro's personality. He can
mesmerize and charm you and make you his admirer if not his follower. He
is an extraordinary leader, with a strong megalomaniac tendency, who is
capable of believing his own lies. The former professor, whom I mentioned
earlier, was very fond of him and told me that he had constantly caught
Castro in lies trying to get his way. When confronted, Castro would reply:
``Father, I can't help it. This is second nature to me.''
This is the simpático dictator. One who has caused unprecedented
economic ruin, who acts as omnipotent feudal lord and can get away with
it.
I congratulate Lawrence for visiting opposition leaders, particularly
Osvaldo Paya, whose personal integrity seems to be unquestioned but who,
unfortunately, was unrecognized by the Pope despite being the outstanding
Catholic politician in Cuba today.
We may be witnessing the end of the ineffective embargo (in contrast to
that against South Africa, where world opinion was united). Castro again
may be getting his way, masterfully using deceit and lies, as during his
days with the Jesuits in Belen School.
Don't fall for Castro's charm
AS A TEENAGER I participated in the struggle
against the Batista dictatorship and for the restoration of democracy in
Cuba. By mid-1959 I found that these goals were being betrayed by Fidel
Castro, who had promised elections and to give up power if the people
thought that he was not doing a good job. By mid-1960 it was obvious that
he was making ``arrangements'' to remain in power for a long time.
Copyright © 1998 The Miami Herald